In April, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration was dismissive of any claims consumers might think they have on so-called “food rights.” Consumers have “no absolute right to consume or feed children any particular kind of food,” the agency’s lawyers said in asking a federal judge to dismiss a suit filed by the Farm-to-Consumer Legal Defense Fund in January.

Now, in a 66-page response to the FDA’s motion to dismiss, the FTCLDF portrays the case as one emblematic of an emerging rights issue on a par with other momentous rights cases: “Plaintiffs represent the tipping point of a food rights movement that involves knowing one’s source of food; becoming responsible for what foods go into one’s body; becoming responsible for ones health; ensuring that one’s family and children grow up healthy with an excellent immune system; and engaging in conduct with similar like minded individuals to promote a healthier and happier America. Since ‘you are what you eat,” literally, the choice as to what foods to consume is fundamental to one’s bodily integrity and is one of the foundations of family life.”

While technically the suit is about whether consumers can bring raw milk across state lines, this legal response comes across more as a treatise for a newly discovered right–one not given attention in the past because there never was any question about people being able to eat the foods of their choice–than a technical legal document. It makes the argument in terms of choice, but also in terms of health–that in denying availability of raw dairy, people are being forced by the government to eat foods they see as unhealthy. Sure, the response cites a number of legal precedents, and challenges several the FDA used in its motion to dismiss, but it is notable for clearly articulating the emerging notion of food rights. It’s a long document, but well worth reading for those who see the controversy over raw milk as a proxy issue for broader food rights issues.

Specifically, says the FTCLDF: “Plaintiffs have no interest in consuming pasteurized milk that comes from cows injected with artificial hormones and antibiotics that is processed and packaged at large industrial facilities under confinement conditions and then transported hundreds of miles across the country only to sit on store shelves under artificial lighting in plastic bottles and jugs. Instead, Plaintiffs wish to consume fresh, unprocessed, wholesome milk and similar dairy products, and wish to patronize the pasture-based farmers that make these products directly available to the consumer.”  The FDA’s regulation prohibiting interstate shipment of raw milk “is preventing Plaintiffs from enjoying their rights to health and food choice. Therefore, this is an issue of private choice, not the public’s health, safety or welfare.”

But the FTCLDF argument goes beyond arguing that growing numbers of consumers have a preference for non-industrial food. It makes the case that consumers are potentially being injured by being denied access to such foods: “FDA’s regulatory program has no application to Plaintiffs’ conduct because Plaintiffs are not injuring the public’s health, safety or If anyone is being harmed in this case it is Plaintiffs themselves because they are being prevented by their government from exercising their fundamental right to consume the food of their choice and instead are being forced by their government to participate in a food production system that they truly believe is harmful to their health.”

In backing up its argument, the FTCLDF takes issue with the FDA’s motion to dismiss on several points:

— To the FDA’s argument that it isn’t interfering with consumers who transport raw milk from states that allow it to states that prohibit it, FTCLDF offers several cases in which the FDA has interfered–notably in milk brought privately from South Carolina to Georgia, from Indiana to Michigan, and from Oregon to Washington state. It includes an affidavit from Steve Bemis about how he represented a Midwest Amish dairy farmer who received warning letters from the FDA, and had several meetings and discussions with FDA officials about the situation. It also includes an affidavit from Eric Wagoner, the Georgia dairy club owner, whose truckload of 110 gallons of raw milk being brought from South Carolina to Georgia was confiscated by an FDA agent and Georgia agriculture agents.

— It takes issue with the FDA’s contention that the federal prohibition doesn’t interfere with freedom to travel, by arguing “Although this national ‘food rights’ movement was probably not contemplated by the Founding Fathers, it should now be recognized by this Court as a component of Plaintiffs’ liberty interest in having access to the foods of their choice. Accordingly, the right to travel should include the right to have raw dairy products in one’s possession.

— It argues that even though raw milk isn’t widely consumed, the restrictions in its use could be the harbinger of other restrictions. “Our country was founded on the notion that we all have inherent, inalienable rights that the government cannot take away from us except by due process.
‘Government of the people, by the people, for the people’ as Abraham Lincoln said. If a
person does not have the right to take raw dairy across state lines, what will be the next
product that the government will prohibit its citizens from taking across state lines? Pets,
pornography, alcohol, cigarettes, medicines, prescription drugs, live chickens, live cows,
raw eggs, raw produce, raw herbs, uncooked meat, fruit? When will it end?”

— The FTCLDF also challenges the FDA on its argument that parent have no “absolute” right to feed raw milk to their children. FTCLDF says the plaintiffs “would agree with the following
statement: parents do not have the absolute right to feed their children adulterated food.
However, it is legal in all 50 states to consume raw dairy products, whether by children or
adults. Therefore, it is legal in all 50 states for parents to feed their children raw dairy
products. In addition, it is presumed that parents act in the best interests of their children.”

— To the FDA’s contention that a “citizen’s petition” to the FDA challenging the ban on interstate shipment of raw milk should have preceded a court action, FTCLDF points out that raw dairy owner Mark McAfee of Organic Pastures Dairy Co. already tried that in 2008. “FDA had a duty to act on the petition in six months yet as of this date (nearly one year to the date after FDA should have taken action on the petition) FDA has failed to take any action on that petition. Consequently, exhaustion does not apply because FDA has shown itself to be ‘biased or has otherwise predetermined the issue before it.”

— To further the point about the FDA’s reluctance to consider challenges to the ban on interstate milk shipments, the FTCLDF includes an affidavit from its president, Pete Kennedy, in which he cites numerous instances of the FDA refusing to enter into discussions on the subject, including the cancellation in 2008 by FDA dairy head John Sheehan of a speaking engagement at a food protection group rather than be together with representatives of the Weston A. Price Foundation.

— And to the FDA’s contention that it was ordered by a federal court to implement a regulation banning raw milk, FTCLDF says the court order only applied to the “sale” of raw milk across state lines. “In addition, FDA banned the interstate transport of raw dairy across states lines even when the conduct involved did not involve ‘interstate commerce’…”

The FTCLDF suit has always been a long shot, and even if successful can be expected to take a number of years to wend its way through the legal system. But by so heavily challenging the “rights” aspects of the suit, the FDA may have inadvertently opened the door to a broad consideration of food rights in the context of civil rights. The choice for the judge seems clear: dismiss the suit to protect a federal agency’s view of its power, or use the suit to explore fundamental human rights. This initial procedural ruling will thus provide important clues as to the judiciary’s preparedness to consider food rights as a constitutional right.